Tuesday, September 27, 2011

Ron Paul on The Market


Ron Paul was on The Jon Stewart Show last night. It’s a perfect culmination of Foucault’s lectures. Some highlights:

• Paul, on his detractors: “They don’t understand what freedom is about. They don’t understand the market and care about monetary policy…” [Because we are “consumers of freedom” (Foucault 63)…]

• Stewart: “Is our choice authoritarianism and tyranny or sort of a free market that we must trust?” [Too much government or too little government? Paul argues that his libertarianism is the right balance between the two.]

• Paul: “Regulations are much tougher in a free market because you cannot commit fraud, you cannot steal, you cannot hurt people…and the failure has come that government won’t enforce this.” [“Liberalism must produce freedom, but this very act entails the establishment of limitations, controls, forms of coercion, and obligations relying on threats, etcetera” (Foucault 64)]

You can watch the whole interview here:

Part 1: http://www.hulu.com/watch/283080/the-daily-show-with-jon-stewart-ron-paul-part-1

Part 2: http://www.hulu.com/watch/283079/the-daily-show-with-jon-stewart-ron-paul-part-2#s-p1-sr-i1

AND…here is a great write-up of the interview in the L.A. Times: http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/showtracker/2011/09/late-night-ron-paul-talks-to-jon-stewart-about-the-media-free-market.html

Savoir

From Wiki:


savoir
  1. to know (something)
    Il est difficile de savoir si elle ment.
    It's difficult to know if she's lying
    Difficile à savoir (expression. alone. Like Difficile à direvoirfaire)

  2. to know how (to do something)
    Savez-vous nager?
    Do you know how to swim?

  3. to be able to, to be apt to (especially in the negative conditional).
    Il ne saurait tarder que...
    It cannot/will not be long before...
    «Il ne saurait être considéré comme un acte de résistance puisque le Hamas a a cessé la résistance dans la bande de Gaza», a poursuivi M. Abbas. - Le Devoir, 3 September 2010

Monday, September 26, 2011

Homo economicus and Governmentality

In chapter 12 in The Birth of Biopolitics Foucault elaborates on the concept of 'homo economicus' or economic man. Specifically, Foucault describes homo economicus as irreducible to the subject of right as the "homo economicus is integrated into the system of which he is a part, into the economic domain...by a dialectic of spontaneous multiplication" (292). Interestingly, Foucault claims that the homo economicus "strips the sovereign of power inasmuch as he reveals an essential, fundamental and major incapacity of the sovereign...an inability to master the totality of the economic field" (292).This created a dilemma in regards to the idea of sovereign governance.  The sovereign would need a frontier to exercise power yet not intervene in the market. "The market will be, if you like, a sort of free port or free space in the general space of sovereignty”(293). The second possibility is the physiocratic proposal, where the sovereign respects the market and exercises a parallel power. This sovereign will act as a “geometer of the economic domain forming part of his felid of sovereignty” (293). Foucault notes that civil society operates as a governmental technology where “the rational measure must be juridicially pegged to an economy understood as process of production and exchange” (296).The civil society is an omnipresent government that allows the economy to be and functions with it, but governs through rules of right that manage national and social dynamics. This society exists through the negotiations and obligations of contract, a social bond that binds citizens to territory, while the market remains unconstrained.
In Foucault’s discussion of governmentality or how to govern, he seeks to uncover precisely how societies govern and the sets of practices and conditions that influence the functioning of society. Much like his discussion of sexuality and the penal system, Foucault focuses on the ‘how’ questions, not for the purpose of legitimating a particular discourse but to discover the mentality or rationality of the discourse. Gordon’s introduction to Foucault’s ideas on governmentality provides clarity to his ideas, specifically the relationship of truth and governmental reason. As Gordon notes, “Foucault advances the thesis of a regular, though variously actualized interdependence between the ‘government of men’ and what he calls the ‘manifestation of truth’. Tracing the mentality of government from the ancient practice of ‘pastoral power’ to the raison’d’etat, liberalism and neo-liberalism, Foucault offers scholars a set of tools to observe and critique the art of governing. The rational art of governing is inextricably linked with police power:
“Police is a science of endless lists and classifications; there is a police of religion, of customs, of health, of foods, of highways, of public order, of sciences, commerce, manufactures, servants, poverty…Police science seems to aspire to constitute a kind of omnivorous espousal of governed reality, the sensorium of a Leviathan.” (Gordon, 10)
Moving to the modern science of governing, Foucault discusses liberalism and the shift in governmental rationality influenced by thinkers like Adam Smith. This governmentality focused on economics and conceived the state as an enterprise itself, as the state must have intrinsic limits yet fiscally prosperous. Therefore the liberal governmentality is concerned with what government can actually do and accomplish within certain boundaries, but not at the expense of prosperity. Foucault describes the invisible hand of economics as lateral to the art of governing as economic sovereignty is not possible.
Foucault’s essay on governmentality begins by discussing the rationality of governing influenced by Machiavelli’s The Prince. In order to understand the governmental rationality of contemporary societies Foucault discusses the transformations of rationale from older societies. Machiavelli’s ‘princely advice’ seemingly influenced the art of government. As Foucault explains:
“This politics of The Prince, fictitious or otherwise, from which people sought to distance themselves, was characterized by one principle…the prince stood in a relation of singularity and externality, and thus of transcendence, to his principality. The prince acquires his principality by inheritance or conquest, but in any case he does not form part of it, he remains external to it”. (Foucault, 90)
Foucault explains that the essential issue in the establishment of the art of government is the “introduction of economy into political practice” (92). Combining economic and governmental principles would be the subject for modern governments. In concluding, Foucault offers a three point explanation of what he terms “governmentality”:
1.       The ensemble formed by the institution, procedures, analyses and reflections, the calculations and tactics that allow the exercise of this very specific albeit complex form of power, which has as its target population, as its principal form of knowledge political economy, and as its essential technical means apparatuses of security.
2.       The tendency which, over a long period and throughout the West, has steadily led towards the pre-eminence over all other forms (soveignty,discipline,etc.) of this type of power which may be termed, government, resulting, on the one hand, in the formation of a whole series of specific governmental apparatuses, and on the other, in the development of a whole complex of savoirs.
3.       The process, or rather the result of the process, through which the state of justice of the Middle Ages, transformed into the administrative state during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, gradually becomes ‘governmentalized’. (102-103)

Questions
1.       Following Foucault’s approach of understanding the totality of relations and rationality of discourses how does our current political rationality reflect the changes in the market economy that is becoming more globalized?
2.       How does the discourse and preponderance of the concept of ‘terror’ influence the conception of the homo economicus in contemporary society? Can we locate any significant shifts in the government rationality that indicates any significant changes in governmental rationale?

Tuesday, September 20, 2011

"A Shared Communal Life"

Marriage as a social contract: “By getting married, couples agree to sharing their life and this clearly implies they will have sex with each other.”

Thoughts?

Monday, September 19, 2011

Free to die

This is a remarkable moment from last week's GOP Presidential debate:



And here is Paul Krugman's great analysis of this moment

Bioploitics

Live from Detroit....

21 March 1979 American Neo-liberalism (II)

In this lecture, Foucault explains how neo-liberalists apply principles of a market economy to non-market relations. He begins with an overview of Gesellschaftspolitik (hear a pronunciation here) and continues with an explanation of how this applies to criminals and the penal system. Below you will find an outlines of the objectives set forth at the beginning of the lecture. This is designed to assist you in moving through the readings while recapping “sections” of the lecture and providing definitions of a few key terms. For those of you who would like to know who the heck Foucault is talking about (if you do not already), I have linked a few Wikipedia (I know, I know) pages to give you a general sense of the ideologies to which he refers. (Note: These links apparently did not copy)

Eucken: father of ordoliberalism. See his Wikipedia page here.
Ropke: father of German social market economy. See his Wikipedia page here.
Rustow: originated the term neoliberalism as a synonym for ordoliberalism. See his Wikipedia page here.
Muller-Armack: coined the term “social market economy” in 1946. Believed the economy had to serve humanity. See his Wikipedia page here.
______________________________________________________________________________
1. The application of the economic grid to social phenomena:

Social phenomena: non-market relationship that are not economic; relationships that operate in opposition to or are complementary to the market even though the economy is situated within this domain.

Gesellschaftspolitik (social policy/politics): a means for government to organize social processes in society without interfering with the effects of the market. Hear a pronunciation here.

Objectives: (a) avoid centralization; (b) encourage medium-sized enterprises; (c) support for “non-proletarian” enterprises (craft enterprises, small businesses); (d) increase access to property ownership; (e) try to replace individual risk with individual insurance; (f) regulate environmental problems.

2. Return to the problematic ordoliberal problematic: the ambiguities of the Gesellschaftspolitik. The generalization of the “enterprise” form in the social field. Economic policy and Vitalpolitik: a society for the market and against the market.

Ambiguities: Economic-ethical ambiguity of enterprise- (a) generalizing enterprise so it can be broken down; (b) individual’s life must be situated within multiple enterprises; (c) an individual’s life must be some sort of enterprise.
Function of the generalization of “enterprise”: Extending the economic model to social relations OR creating a “warm” work environment for the individual instead “cold” competition (allows individuals to feel good about their work rather than being alienated from it).

Vitalpolitik: a society for the market and against the market- a political and moral framework that allows for competition but does fragment the society

3. The unlimited generalization of the economic form of the market in American neoliberalism: principle of the intelligibility of individual behavior and critical principle of government interventions.

The unlimited generalization of the economic form of the market throughout the social body has numerous consequences according to Foucault. He concentrates on two: (1) As a function of intelligibility of individual behavior: a economical analysis of the non-economic- for example, applying a cost/benefit ratio to time spent in a relationship- a means to decipher non-economic social behavior in economic terms; (2) As a tool to critically asses government action (interventions) - scrutinizing every action of public authorities in terms of supply and demand rather than in terms of what is “right.”

4. Aspects of American neoliberalism: Delinquency and penal policy

Use economic considerations to calculate the cost of delinquency (how much does it cost a city/state/country to have criminals running free?).

5. Historical reminder: the problem of the reform of penal law at the end of the eighteenth century. Economic calculation and principle of legality. The parasitic invasion of the law by the norm of the nineteenth century and the birth of criminal anthropology.

Reformers sought to develop a penal system based on calculations of utility with the lowest possible costs. Laws were determined as the most economical solution for punishing people adequately (least costly and most effective for to assign punishment and deter criminal behaviors). The crime must be defined by the law so that in the absence of law, there is no crime. Penalties for the crime are set by the law. Penalties must be fixed in the law by degree of seriousness. Criminal courts can only apply predetermined penalties for the crime. The law enables the problem of penal practice to be connected to the problem of the economy

6. The neoliberal analysis: (1) the definition of crime; (2) the description of the criminal subject as homo economicus; (3) the status of the penalty as instrument of law “enforcement”. The example of the drugs market.

Definition of crime: “that which makes the individual incur the risk of being sentenced to a penalty” (p. 251) - adopted from the point of view of the criminal just as neo-liberals addressed work from the point of view of the laborer.

Criminal as homo economicus- economic behavior as a measure of individual behavior; allows the individual to be governed; can be seen as the interface of government and the individual. Criminal is anyone “who invests in an action, expects a profit from it, and who accepts the risk of loss” (p. 253) - The penal system does not deal with criminals but rather the supply of crime (by individuals).

Law enforcement- “the set of instruments of action which, on the market for crime, opposes the negative demand for the supply of crime” (p. 255). How law enforcement (dismantling drug networks) affected the drug market: (1) increased unit price of drugs (2) Reduced competition and strengthed monopolies (3) did not lessen demand (demand is inelastic). Law enforcement was a failure. From this failure, a policy of law enforcement according to market rationality results in policy that distinguishes between types or drugs and types of users.

7. Consequences of this analysis: (a) anthropological erasure of the criminal; (b) putting the disciplinary model out of play.

Erasure of the criminal- individual behavior can be interpreted as economic behavior and controlled as such. Distinctions between criminals and non-criminals are not important.

Dissolution of disciplinary model- using the economic system to regulate non-economic relations results in a society where differences and fluctuating processes are allowed to flourish and inventions come at an environmental rather than individual level.

28 March 1979 The Model of Homo Economicus

1. Its generalization to every form of behavior in American neo-liberalism.

The identification of the object of economical analysis with any rational conduct. Rational conduct is defined as the “optimal allocation of scarce resources to alternative ends” (p.269), which is an economic conduct. Rational conduct is sensitive to environmental variables and responds in a systematic (not random) way. Economics can be defined as “the science of the systematic nature of responses to environmental variables” (p.269). This definition allows economics to be integrated into behavioral techniques.

2. Economic analysis and behavioral techniques

Behavioral techniques do not distinguish between different types of behaviors but recognize how systematic responses to stimuli can be observed on the basis of which other behaviors can be introduced.

3. Homo economicus as the basic element of the new governmental reason appeared in the eighteenth century

An intangible element with regard to the exercise of power. The paradox= someone who pursues his own interest which converges with the interests of others; the person who must be left alone; the subject or object of laisser-faire government (Becker) ALSO appears as someone manageable; someone who responds systematically to artificially introduced stimuli.

4. Elements for a history of the notion of homo economicus before Walras and Pareto

Enabled a certain type of government to be determined according to principles of the political economy and in restriction, self-limitation, and frugal government

5. The subject of interest in English empiricist philosophy (Hume)
Empiricist philosophy introduces a subject of interest who is not so much defined by his freedom but by individual choices which are both irreducible (the endpoint of analysis) and non-transferable (based on personal preference).

6. The heterogeneity of the subject of interest and the legal subject: (1) The irreducible nature of interest in comparison with juridical will. (2) The contrasting logics of market and the contract

(1) Juridical will is formed as a result of interest as the empirical source of the contract. The legal subject is created when a person enters a social contract to protect interests from being threatened. We respect the contract not because it is the right thing to do but because it serves our interest. The subject of interest remains as long as the juridical structure (the contract exists). “Interest constitutes something irreducible in relation to the juridical will (p. 274).
(2) The subject of right and the subject of interest are not governed by the same logic. The subject of right is characterized by a dyadic relationship between possessing natural and immediate rights and their relinquishment. The subject of interest is never required to give up his interest. The market and the contract operate in opposite ways.

7. Second innovation with regard to the juridical model: the economic subject’s relationship with political power. Condorcet. Adam Smith’s “invisible hand”: invisibility of the link between the individual’s pursuit of profit and the growth of collective wealth. The non-totalizable nature of the economic world. The sovereign’s necessary ignorance.

An individual’s interest is dependent upon a finite number of things of which some are uncontrollable. However, the individual’s interest is linked to a series of positive effects for others. Everything that is advantageous to the individual will be advantageous to others as well. (Condorcet).

The individual in pursuit of his own interest often unintentionally promotes benefits for others. In this sense, he is led by an invisible hand to an end that was not his intention.

The collective good must not be an objective because it cannot be calculated by economic strategy. The sovereign must remain ignorant to the collective good so as not to make mistakes.

8. Political economy as critique of governmental reason: rejection of the possibility of an economic sovereign in its two, mercantilist and physiocratic forms

There is no sovereign in economics and no economic sovereign. Mercantilist policies provided for an administrative sovereign who would administer possible economic processes taking place between individuals, groups, and states- must have an economic sovereign. Physiocracy was a critique of all the administrative rules and regulations through which the sovereign exercise power over the economy. Physiocrats analyzed markets and proved that the government must not interfere with the mechanism of interest which allows commodities to flow where buyers are readily available and will pay the best price.

9. Political economy as a science lateral to the art of government

“Political economy is indeed a science, a type of knowledge (savior), a mode of knowledge (connaissance) which those who govern must take into account” (p.286). But economic science cannot be the science of government or rationality of government.

Wednesday, September 14, 2011

Foucault's Head at a Nursing Head in Netherlands

You have to check this out!

http://www.skor.nl/eng/site/item/vrij-geestig-quite-witty?single=1

Sunday, September 11, 2011

BioPolitics: Jan 24 & 31, 1979












January 24, 1979

Foucault begins by describing
raison d’Etat’s principle of equilibrium, which keeps one state from dominating the others. Under this model, economics is a zero sum game based on the finite amount of gold that exists in the world. The enrichment of one state comes as a result of a cost to the others. This lead to Pascal’s problem of how do you halt the game in order to divide the winnings?

As I understand Foucault's explination, the new model that emerged during the eighteenth century sought freedom through dual profits based on collective and unlimited enrichment. The seller achieves maximum profits while the buyer suffers minimum expense. Through globalization the entire world becomes an unlimited market, ending the zero sum game. The nature of the global market creates legal obligations forming judicial relationships (International Law) and guarantees perpetual peace, economically but not necessarily politically.

Liberalism is the unlimited economic development where the veridiction of the market is calculated by governmental utility. Under the new art of the government, freedom is not a given but “the actual relation between governors and governed,” which is consumed, produced, and organized. “Liberalism formulates simply the following: I am going to produce what you need to be free. I am going to see to it that you are free to be free” (p. 63). As freedom is produced in terms of the market, a new problem of security emerges as individual interests must be balanced with collective interests. Liberalism forms a culture of danger as both freedom and security are sought.


Another consequence of the liberal art of government is the need for procedures of “control, constraint and coercion” to be a counterweight to freedom. Political formulas such as Panopticism develop, which “enable one to supervise the conduct of individuals while increasing the profitability and productivity of their activites” (p. 67). Freedom is produced through interventions. However, economic interventions like welfare measures and Keynesian policies form liberal and capitalistic crisis of govermentality as these manufactured freedoms “produce destructive effects which prevail over the very freedom they are suppose to produce” (p. 69). Foucault’s goal is to study the crisis of the general apparatus of governmentality as it “is currently experienced, lived, practiced, and formulated”(70).

January 31, 1979

Foucault’s method starts without a theory of state where “the state is not a universal nor in itself an autonomous source of power” (p. 77). He proposes an analysis not of the state but the effects of crisis of governmentality “State-phobia.” Three themes he hopes will emerge from the study of American and German forms of liberalism are “Law and order, the state and civil society, and politics of Life” (p. 78). These liberal arts of government shared a common adversary Keynesian economics.


While America's liberalism was a response to Roosevelt's New Deal, Germany’s neo-liberalism arose from Keynsesian policies, which resulted from a post World War economic reconstruction that focused on state planning and socialization. The economy was freed from state controls as prices were deregulated. Ludwig Erhard the architect of the German recovery, believed that a socialist “state which abuses its power in the economic realm…violates the freedom of individuals…it forfeits its rights of representavity” (81). By creating a space that guaranteed freedom in the economic domain a liberal government establishes its political sovereignty. The economy legitimizes the state and creates public law, which produce a permanent consensus through the population’s adherence to the system and the regime. It was “recognized that not only was private ownership of the means of production perfectly legitimate, but that it had a right to state protection and encouragement” (88). Socialism where the state owns the means of production functions as a police state and collides with the principles of liberalism. Socialist policies have no rationality as an art of government and can only be connected to other governemtalities as a type of internal logic. An economy must be free to create a state and give it legitimacy.

Discussion Questions

1)
Foucault discusses a crisis of governmentality when manufactured freedoms “produce destructive effects which prevail over the very freedom they are suppose to produce” (p. 69.) How does liberalism address these destructive effects? Also on the other side, what might be the destructive effects of the market having too much freedom?

2)
According to Foucault, the liberal state’s legitimacy, “the population’s overall adherence to its regime and system,” is produced by “a permanent consensus,” which translates into “a political consensus, inasmuch as they accept this economic game of freedom” (p. 84). Within the liberal model, at what point might this consensus become a type of coercion and what type of a crisis of governmentaltiy would this create?

Points of Clarity

1)Foucault's goal is to clarify how the apparatus of government is currently experienced by examining history. In using this method, would you start in the present, then go to the past or vice versa?

2)
Explain further Foucault’s procedure of starting without any universals and how it might work as a research method.




Monday, September 5, 2011

Cary Wolfe - Humans and Animals in a Biopolitical Frame


Cary Wolfe: Humans and Animals in a Bio-political Frame from SITES on Vimeo


Here is link to his bio: http://www.carywolfe.com/

Welcome to the Blog!

Dear all,

Welcome to our course blog.  Besides reading summaries and comments, I thought it would be fun to use the blog as a space for videos of theorists discussing various topics in relationship to biopolitics.  Please if you see any videos like that out there, post.

Marina